The
Other Campaign in the North
Chronicles
anecdote-style of states: Chihuahua,
Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, San Luis Potosi, Zacatecas,
Durango, Tamaulipas

Today’s Disappeared
Pink Frosting and Social Prison
There are more Zacatecos in the US than in Zacatecas
Indignation and Dignidad
The University of Mediocrity
Punks and Communists
Great Movements Don’t Start Big
Urban Laboratory of Neoliberal Policy
The North
Today's Disappeared
From the Mothers of the Disappeared in Chihuahua: “There is one Doña,
very loved among us, adored, she is a great testimony... Doña Coral
of Ciudad Juarez. She has two sons, one is disappeared, the other the system
grabbed and murdered. But despite this, I have never seen this Doña
discouraged...she is always thinking about this process of liberation, of
struggle, despite the fact that she can hardly move anymore, can barely walk,
She continues to be this... great example for us.”
Today people keep disappearing, another mother says later, but today in the
form of the misogyny and violence, especially that which is happening in Ciudad
Juarez—464 dead since 1993, over 600 more disappeared, according to
reported data. The majority of women found in what is now called a femicide—sexual
torture and murder of women—are found raped, mutilated, strangled, with
cuts on their breasts and lips, “X” drawn or cut on their arms
or backs. Since 1993, almost 500 women have been murdered in this way. The
indifference of the authorities is incredible, outrageous. And what may be
immunity or impunity of the police forces even more appalling. I have a friend
who worked for America’s Most Wanted, that television show of the late
90’s where they dramatize real crime cases and open a hotline for citizens
to call in with tips. Its was an over-exaggerated, over-hyped investigative
police show, but real people called in with what was sometimes real information.
My friend fielded the calls in Spanish, and the night they covered the Juarez
murders the phones rang off the hook with Spanish-speaking women calling:
“the police,” they all said. “Somebody has to investigate
the police.”
In Ciudad Juarez one of the ex-political prisoners of Santiaguito taken in
Atenco speaks. Italia, she was one of the first to denounce the rape and sexual
assault she and other suffered at the hands of the police in the transfer
from Atenco to the prison at Santiaguito. We were raped, we were...forced
to ride naked, piled on top of each other, while the police walked all over
us. They did what they wanted with us. Italia points out that men were raped
and sexually assaulted to, something that came out right at the beginning
and was never mentioned after that. And after suffering all this, she reminds,
our compañeros are still prisoners!
The Delegate Zero in Charcas (paraphrased): what is equally in crisis, as
much as the expropriation and destruction of the land, and the hijacking of
politics by politicians, is the deterioration of social relations, personal
and communal, both in terms of the effects of immigration and poverty on families
as well as the corroding of the relation between men and women, which is pushing
violence to new limits. This is no longer just a relation of domination, as
damaging as that may be in itself, but a relationship of violence that reaches
assassination. Here Juarez is emblematic, where the number of women assassinated
continues to grow, where the women are attacked, hurt, not just as victims
but as women victims.
Pink Frosting
In a highschool, “Prepa 2,” in Fresnillo, San Luis Potosi,
there are girls, 14 and 15-year olds, who remind me of 80’s barbie dolls,
or a look I can’t identify exactly, somewhere between street corner
and golf course. There’s one girl in particular that I’m fascinated
by, I can’t stop looking at her. She’s petite and skinny and cute,
pink jeans, pink Mary Janes, pink camisole under a pink cardigan, pink rhinestone-studded
sunglasses on top of her head, pink phone in her front pocket, and, icing
on the pink cake, pink sparkly eye shadow. When she moves her frosted hair
feathered back on both sides doesn’t. She stands there, half listening,
checking her phone every couple minutes with the kind of flaunting self-consciousness
of junior high girls discovering their style and their power at the same time.
In his speech at the high school Delegate Zero talks about the social destiny
of women in society, condemned to be judged by their appearance, measured
by their measurements, promoted by their willingness to grant sexual favors.
And I keep looking at this girl and thinking, she’s already in her own
social prison, she’s already completely controlled by this, she’s
already desperate to achieve, maintain, demonstrate that look above all other
priorities in life. That is the other prison that capital-directed social
relations maintains.
There are
more Zacatecos living in the US then in Zacatecas: 1 million 400
thousand in the state of Zacatecas, and 2 million in the US., making Zacatecas
the state with the highest level of migration in the country. A majority of
municipalities in the state show negative population growth as a result of
migration. One municipality in particular, Saucito, is the origin of 11 of
every 19 migrants leaving state territory. These towns are essentially forced
to export their own population; residents report that their primary merchandise
and export product as a state is their labor force. Many stories are sad:
one woman’s son left at 16 years old, went to work in Atlanta, and returned
at 23 years of age, in a coffin. A woman later on in La Huasteca, San Luis
Potosi, cries as she tells the Delegate Zeros that her son in Houston, an
undocumented worker, was incarcerated and accused of homicide, kept incommunicado,
represented by a publicly appointed lawyer who instead of defending him is
urging him to sign a guilty plea. “Van a buscar la vida y encuentra
la muerte,” a man says in Zacatecas, they go to look for life and they
find death.”
In another meeting, Delegate Zero, referring to the wall being built on the
US-Mexico border: what we saw in the border and the rest of the country...what
the United States government is doing is converting our country into a pressure
cooker, because if the only economic escape valve of the nation closes, the
people here will not have any options. They’re treating migrants as
terrorists, but really they’re sustaining both economies. If they make
this wall they will have created the biggest prison on the continent.
Indignation and Dignidad
San Pedro, San Luis Potosi is a ghost town, completely destroyed by a mining
industry that took what it could from the mountain and when that was gone,
left and left the community abandoned. But the small mountain of San Pedro,
next to the ghost town, is a sacred spot in the area, declared a protected
monument zone by UNESCO. Now a Canadian company Metallica Resources Incorporated,
here known as Minera San Xavier, is putting in a new gold and silver mine
which will escavate the sacred San Pedro. The process of extraction consists
of exploding 25 tons daily of explosives, resulting in the fall of 80,000
tons of materials. 40% of this material is transferred to an extraction area
dug out of the same land, where it is mixed with 16 tons of sodium cianuro
and 32 million liters of water.They show us the black
tarp that lines the hole where the minerals will be processed; one worker
who has already worked to repair a leak, mocks it. The process will take out
approximately one kilometer of mountain and leave a crater one kilometer in
diameter and 300 meters deep. According to Metallica Resources's own environ
ental report, 8 million leters of water will be converted, through evaporation
and carried by the dominant east-west winds, into clouds of cianhidrico acid
over the city of San Luis Potosi, 12 miles downwind.The mine's environmental
report also states that it will contaminate the local water reserve, this
in an area where there is already a major shortage of potable water for the
population. Similar projects in the "first world" have been outlawed
precisely becuase of these effects, which is why such projects are now moved
to the "third world." There is currently a petition before UNESCO
to declare San Pedro patrimony of humanity, but the project has the support
of the local government. A citizens' referendum was held in October of last
year, in which 19, 050 of 19,608 people voted against the project.
In La Tesorera, Zacatecas, the community name, literally “The Treasure”
takes tangible form. La Tesorera sits on a bank of rich minerals, including
a bank of gold and silver. Several years ago they were fighting an asphalt
plant that produced such serious pollutants that the houses were crumbling
from toxic gases, twelve children were diagnosed with toxic poisoning. “We
were at the point of leaving,” they way, “our community does not
have a tradition of struggle.” But they decided to fight. They closed
the road to the plant for 12 days and nights, sitting in front of the machines.
When the police tried to remove the protesters, one woman from the community
grabbed a police sergeant and sits down in front of the bulldozers, saying,
“If I have to stay here you have to stay here too,” at which point
the sergeant fainted. After a long fight the community won the battle and
the plant was closed in December 2004. But at this meeting with the EZLN,
they report that they have just learned that there are to be six more mines
built on their land. The struggle stretches out in front of them again. This
is what capitalism does, one community member says, it destroys a place and
then reorganized it, expelling its people and then repopulating it with agricultural
workers, migrants themselves from other places. And what’s more, capitalism
is ruling the politicians. Those who govern are merely managers of the interests
of big business.
In Vicente Guerrero, Durango, we hear one of the most repeated stories: the
people tried to resist the privatization of communal lands, [Article 27 of
the Mexican Constitution protected all communally held lands from privatization
and thus sale, expropriation through debt, or forced eviction. Under Salinas
Article 27 was modified to allow for the privatization and thus exploitation
of these lands, usually by foreign direct investment) promoted through the
government programs PROCEDE and PROCECOM. But somehow, a list of signatures
of the communal landholders was delivered to local authorities and the privatization
of the land begun. In these cases, as we have heard over and over, companies
or local governments interested in the land buy off one landowner who falsifies
the names of the others. Or the list is full of names are of people who have
been dead for years. Or poor campesinos have been paid for their signatures,
without realizing what they are signing.
Gomez Palacios Laguna, Coahuila. Home to the Mexican milk giant, Lala. It
takes 1,000 liters of water to produce one liter milk. Lala makes 5 million
liters of milk a day, plus the water used to irrigate the alfalfa fields used
to feed the milkcows, and is running a deficit of approximately 5 million
cubic meters of water; that is the difference between what Lala uses from
the reservoir and the speed at which that can be replaced is a deficit of
5 million cubic meters. There is a serious potable water shortage in the surrounding
communities, as well as contamination of the existing water supply by arsenic
and other heavy metals by the industry.
In Torreon, Coahuila, a local doctor, Victor Rodriguez explains that the population
is suffering from serious led poisoning. It started with 100 poisoned children,
then 36,000 diagnosed (the government has settled on the number 11,000). And
that’s clinically diagnosed, not counting those without medical services.
Lead has a 33 year half life. A satellite study in the area by the University
of Barcelona says that in any given area there shouldn’t be higher than
30 parts lead per million and here there are 13,000 parts per million. The
long term effects: mental deficiencies, lupus, degenerative illnesses, allergies,
asthma, hearing loss, cancer.
In Lequieto, a small community close to Torreon, “come to my neighborhood
and see, we don’t have a drop of water, not a drop, pure dirt we’re
supposed to drink, because that’s what comes in the rain.
In Mesa de Palmira, a small town high in the mountains of Zacatecas: we have
a great shortage of potable water, there are water sources but we have no
way to transport it. The government keeps saying they will pipe it in but
they never come. Our land will produce, it is good soil, it will produce corn,
beans, potato, peas, but we can’t plant because we don’t have
money even for starting materials. We are so tired of asking for things! So
there is no government, there is no money, there is no water, there isn’t
anything!
When the woman from Lequieto breaks into tears of frustration, the Delegate
Zero speaks: What we’ve heard here is what we heard all over the country,
in the below all over the country. The woman who cried here out of rage, that
rage and indignation we all feel. when we feel there is nothing we can do.
In Hidalgo there was a woman who cried just like that because she saw [President]
Fox on television saying he has helped the indigenous people in her community,
and had taken a photo there with the people that they put on TV. And this
woman cried, outraged, because she says Fox had never come to their community,
she didn’t know where they took that photo, in his backyard or something.
Listen, the EZ said there and in other places: 100 years ago it seemed impossible
to overturn the massive fraud committed to get Porfirio into office. And maybe
somebody said, let’s try it, And they did, with the Mexican Revolution.
200 years ago it seemed impossible to defeat the most powerful army in the
world at the time, the Spanish army, and maybe somebody said, let’s
try it. And there was the War of Independence. 12 years ago it looked like
Salinas was the most powerful man in the country, and the day he was celebrating
the passage of NAFTA, January 1, 1994, what would permit him to sell off the
country, they called him that morning and said, a bunch of Indians just rose
up in Chiapas.” That was us. And in a few days all of his power dissolved.
But that wasn’t enough, because that was only part of the country and
it was armed struggle and that doesn’t include everyone. The Other Campaign
is saying now, let’s try it.
University of Mediocrity
In Torreon, at the Political Science Faculty, one student says, this might
get me into trouble, but the teachers here are, well, a bunch of mediocres.
In Monterrey, a student: “what school is preparing us for is to be part
of the mediocre middle class.
A student from several states ago, in Aguascalientes: we fight for free and
public education, but we don’t just want free and public education,
because the education we’re receiving is capitalist training. We don’t
want free capitalist training! And in Oaxaca, “we are fighting the exploitation
of the only thing we have, “our bodies and their ideas.”
Labor force training, mediocrity, expense, research funded by and directed
toward the interests of large companies looking for new profitable products,
this is repeated over and over in the schools the Other Campaign visits.
The EZLN message many times over in the Universities: What school is doing
to you is disciplining, not educating. And it is training you to be individuals:
your tests, your grades, all of this is training to individualize. And it
is training for getting a job, preparation for entering the work-world. But
not even this will work, because even with all the effort you put out for
that test will mean nothing because the people who will get the jobs are the
ones who had connections to get there, or are the relatives of someone powerful.
As students you have to unite your struggle with others because it doesn’t
matter how high your ambition, how good your preparation or education, it
won’t matter. This absurd society is run with political leverage, not
ability. You think Fox could pass one of your exams?
And on the place of students and knowledge-producers in the Other Campaign:
The Other Campaign is a great movement of young people and students, it is
a place where you can fight your struggle. You confront your exams individualized,
your grades individualized. Join the Other Campaign and make organizations,
not just for scholarly issues but for culture, economy, sports, everything.
Abandon the individual position school puts you in and make collectives! Contact
each other all over the country, talk without mediation, support other struggles,
of teachers, workers, kids, indigenous, elderly. Mix your books and your reality;
bring your stories of immigration and repression to school, so in the classroom
we learn these things. [...] The Other Campaign should be a space for political
discussion, theory, debate, it should be a real agitation. Yes in practice,
but part of this political agitation is also theoretical discussion and debate.
“The Compañeros that work with ideas should open this space and
maintain it, if not what’s going to happen is that the Other Campaign
is going to turn into an anti-intellectual movement. And an anti-intellectual
movement, anti- theoretical reflection, becomes a spontaneous movement. It
can be really big, even really radical, but it will sow defeat after defeat.”
From the Mothers of the Disappeared of Chihuahua “Where are we? We are
in the middle of a very aggressive environment, very difficult... Compañero,
the patria is in shreds, it has to be reconstructed. How are you going to
reconstruct it, how am I going to construct it, if I don’t know how
to analyze the context in which I’m living? So you’re going to
work at the level of gossip and I am too. So it’s not just that we need
the impulse and desire to transform, we have to study Compañeros! We
have to discuss, we have to analyze, we have to see, in what context are we
living in every day? Why? To be able to give an appropriate response....”
Great Movements don’t start big
An adherent in Zacatecas: “I’m from a very small collective, In
fact, if it got any smaller it wouldn’t be a collective anymore. There
are two of us, my wife and I. By collective agreement I was chosen to speak
at this meeting on our behalf.”
The EZLN says repeatedly, great movements don’t start big. Great movements
start with 4, 5, 6 people who say, enough! In this phase of the Other Campaign
we’re just getting to know each other. And we’re not looking for
any people who live badly, we’re looking for people who want to struggle.
In the Other Campaign we’re not looking for followers or masses, we’re
looking compañeros.
We’ve started a movement without knowing who it will end. We know what
we don’t want: political parties, the same mistakes, speaking without
listening, and at the moment when we have to say what we want, this we have
to answer among all of us, as a collective answer [...] It’s as if they
were pushing everyone to the edge of the table until there was nothing left
but to fall, and all of a sudden there appears a bridge, we’re making
a bridge.
There are four axes here, of the national problematic:
1. Tierra: land, water, air, wildlife, soil and the legalized plunder of these
resources.
2. The politics of democracy: politics have been hijacked, you can only participate
if you’re a registered political party, with determinate characteristics.
Citizens can participate every 3-6 years, but the can’t choose who they
want, they just choose among these that are already candidates. The citizen
can’t say, I don’t want any of these. They can’t say, this
one isn’t doing a good job, take him/her out. And the vote is an individual
thing, you can’t organize collectively in electoral politics. They choose
between a few and even that isn’t respected! [referring to the fraud
of the 2006 presidential elections] And this with the mass media complicity.
3. Community and personal relations: the relation between men and women has
reached limits of violence, the murders of women are reaching new heights.
The forced immigration means families are broken up, communities are broken
up. If before a community would organized its celebrations for events significant
to them, now a company organizes the party and the people become mere spectators.
Even what we eat, coke and potato chips, something as simple as what’s
on the table, tears the community fabric.
4. War: it is escalating everywhere. People are displaced from their lands,
which are now worked by Central Americans. Young people, instead of fighting
this war of displacement, have to leave home to look for work. It is another
conquest. There are places of resistance, barricades, trenches, nuclei, we
have those everywhere, but they are separated. So the Other Campaign is finding
them. And like the intelligence services signal with red dots the trouble
spots of the country, what we’ve found is that the whole country is
red.
And in Monterrey: If there is not an alternative [to the crisis above], those
above are going to rearrange and repair themselves. We have to respond to
a fundamental question, not “how are we going to survive,” but
“how are we going to live better?” And in that question, we are
going to have problems but they’ll be other problems, not anymore if
we survive or not, but rather how should we organize ourselves?
"This country has to save itself all together, or it doesn’t
save itself. And when it does, it won’t be power that makes you rich,
but rather work. And without arms. All of us, at the same time. And now it
won’t be, I’m doing this for someone else, no, this is for me..."
Punks and Communists
In Saltillo and Monclova, Coahuila, we get one of the most interesting combinations
in the Other Campaign: libertarian punks and the Communist Party. The Punks
are young, camouflage or cargo pants, piercings, purple and red streaked hair,
lips all sewn up with barbells and hoops, girls with eyes painted in charcoal
and guys in che-style hats. Dinner with the libertarian punks is textured
soy protein. They are organized with the big, tall, boot-wearing, cowboy-hat
sporting, mustached, rancher-looking communists from the north. They serve
hearty red meat dishes.
Poem read in Saltillo, at an adherents meeting hosted by the libertarian punks:
POEM
From the punks: we don’t want to be emancipated by the dominant institutions,
we want to liberate ourselves from them. We reject the censorship of the university,
using science to promote capitalism. And another: I was eight years old when
the Zapatista uprising happened, all of my life has been formed by this. That
poem he just read, that was the story of my life. The unemployment centers
here are full of young people, not because we like to be there but out of
necessity, and because we have desire to improve ourselves, to move forward!
We as young people, we want to organize with other organizations, alone we
can’t do anything...
Adherents in Monterrey call themselves
an “urban laboratory of neoliberal politics.” Monterrey
has the richest neighborhood in all of Latin America, San Pedro Garcia, which
is surrounded by multiple belts of poverty—40% of the population lives
in poverty. It is the 8th most polluted city in the world, as of 1985. There
is a high mortality rate from respiratory diseases. Monterrey is the center
of money laundering in the country. The neoliberal attack on the environment
is accompanied by the “intoxication” of humans with ritalin and
psychiatric medicines, the people report, to cure the social ills created
by the neoliberal society. One health worker explains Monterrey has the highest
percentage of caesarean in the world, nearly 90% of births are via caesarean.
An average would be 15%. Midwives are no longer allowed to attend to births.
A university professor: I teach at the best state university in the country.
I have a postgraduate professional degree. I have 200 students per week. And
I earn 600 pesos (USD$52) every 2 weeks. Minimum wage would be 400 pesos (USD$35).
We don’t tell the students how much we earn, it would be embarrassing,
we’d have to allow tips and that would probably double our salary. Another
adherent: Your two primary options for work here are small-scale drug scales
or immigration. This is the absolute putrification of the productive life.
The North: The
same story always: there is no water. Either the reservoir is dry (due to
over-exploitation), the source is contaminated (usually by transnational industry),
the well
is now owned and controlled by a rich family or foreign company (having been
privatized by neoliberal government policy), it has been privatized and the
price has skyrocketed. They are losing their land to PROCEDE/ PROCECOM, government
privatization programs and debt. The forests are being cut down and the wood
taken out in an endless train of trucks loaded heavily with the thick trunks,
but the local communities, usually indigenous, are fined or jailed for cutting
wood for their homefires for cooking. Communities that have lived for hundreds
of years by fishing on the coast, now prohibited from taking out their small
boats to fish while industrial fishing operations haul masses of fish and
shrimp from the same seas. Contamination and pollution of air, water, and
land from nationally and internationally owned industrial plants—the
incredible cancer rates, primarily in women in these communities, the number
of children with elevated levels of lead in their blood, the nauseas in kids
and adults, and these are the people in the community; the workers of the
plants are walking poison. The lack or violation of regulations on chemical
use in the fields results in workers with serious skin and organ diseases.
Corruption: the narco-politico mafia and complicity between the PAN in particular
and the cartels in the North. The common perspective on politicians: “it
doesn’t have to be someone good, just someone who steals less.”
And finally, everywhere, without fail, immigration. The stream of young people
mostly, but other too, out of Mexican communities in every state to the US
is incredible. There is no other way to survive. There are more Zacatecos
in the US than in Zacatecas. Remittances sent from Mexican workers in the
US to Mexico is the highest source of income in the country, having recently
surpassed tourism and petroleum.
"There came a moment when each of these older adults understood that
they to stop complaining in order to start organizing themselves. That to
be complaining was part of the process of their submission, that which their
sons and daughters had fought against, and which capital encourages to keep
us in its project of death. So they said, enough, we are not going to complain
anymore but neither are we going to be submissive. We are going to be insubmissive
and rebellious! And so with much pride they say, my guerilla son or daughter
taught me!” —Mothers of the Disappeared of Chihuahua
