PROPOSALS FOR THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS OF THE APPO
INDIAN ORGANIZATIONS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN OAXACA
Saturday, November 11, 2006.
“And the old vulture lies in wait, high on his rock. He fixes his bloodshot
eyeon the advancing giant, still unaware of the causes of the
insurrection.Tyrants don’t understand the right to rebellion.” (From
/Regeneración/,September 10, 1910.)
*THE NATIONAL AND STATE CONTEXT*
Recent political events like the approval of the “Televisa law,” the vote
fraudin the presidential election, and the refusal of the national Senate to
declarethe removal of the powers that be in the state of Oaxaca, all confirm a
tendencythat has grown stronger over at least three decades on the part of
thegovernment and both national and international economic power groups.
Needlessto say, the mainstream media, with some honorable exceptions, have been
all toowilling to impose their vision and continue to manipulate public
opinion.
In this context, the struggle that we’re now waging in Oaxaca was born amongour
communities, peoples, organizations, students, tenant farmers, unions, andNGOs.
Now, nobody can make us believe that there’s the least bit of compassionor
justice in the rulers. We’re convinced that they’re only driven by theirquest
for power and money. But, here below, we’ve also learned that thepeople’s cry
for justice and freedom is perpetual and that it cannot be silenced,not even by
the tyrant’s murderous bullets.
Today we are not only struggling against a local tyrant, but against an entiresystem,
which for many years has implanted its political and economicstructures and
continues to import external cultural forms in order to dominateus. Thus, all
the repression and low intensity warfare that we’re experiencingin the state
and in the country as a whole stem from the confrontation betweentwo projects:
that of the oppressors and that of the oppressed, our project. Weare resisting
the demand to turn over our wealth to a few people and to becomemodern slaves
in the new exploitation centers, the /maquiladoras/, or to becomethe muleteers
of our natural resources. We are resisting the loss of ourculture, of being
governed by a gang of thieves that utilize power in their ownself-interest and
to serve those who keep us in dire poverty.
We also remind you that it’s not only the powerful who are responsible for
oursituation, but also we, the oppressed people, who have let them have their
wayfor many years, many decades, who have let those who degrade us stay in
power.In other words, we’ve often elected our own executioners or have sold
ourdignity for a plate of lentils. And they’ve used our poverty to throw us a
fewcrumbs. Our people have lived for too many years in this system that reduces
usto beggars.
* *
*THE POPULAR MOVEMENT OF OAXACA*
In the face of this state and national reality, it’s important to
understandthat for the large majority of the indigenous and mestizo men and
women ofOaxaca, for the peons, workers, teachers, students, youth and children
with nopossibilities for work or study, women who support entire families in
the worstpossible conditions, small businessmen, tenant farmers, and thousands
ofmigrants, an in-depth transformation of our state is a matter of life or
death;it’s a question of survival for current and future generations.
The powerful are astounded that we are willing to go to jail, as if
theconditions of life here are not themselves a kind of jail.
They are astounded that we are willing to die at the barricades, as if
theyhaven’t killed us in worse ways. They are astounded that we are willing to
loseour salaries, jobs, and scholarships, as if they weren’t planning to take
themaway from us (as a matter of fact, many of us don’t have them anyway).
They’reastounded that we’re willing to keep from opening the schools, as if
educationmattered to the regime’s mafia bosses and to the parasites in corrupt
bureaucraticcircles. They’re astounded that we’re willing to sacrifice so much,
to do somuch organized volunteer work, to stay up all night long so many
nights, toendure hunger, as if we weren’t used to it. Our resistance is our
weapon, andthey couldn’t deal with it and they never will.
For these reasons, the movement in Oaxaca is not a spontaneous outbreak, but
anecessary, inevitable struggle that’s been anticipated and prepared for in
athousand ways by countless peoples and organizations. For the Indian
Peoples––andthe majority of the teachers belong to them––today’s movement
didn’t begin onMay 22 or on June 14, 2006. For years we’ve confronted this
authoritarianregime and have been pursued, jailed, and killed for doing so. The
brutalonslaught of Ulises Ruiz’s un-government began against the organized
indigenouspeoples. The political prisoners of the COMPA and the
Promotora-Oaxaca,including the prisoners of our organization OIDHO, were the
first victims ofthe fascist methods of this regime. Here, we only wish to
recall the criminal,unpunished attacks with firearms by PRI authorities and
police forces againstthe /tequios/ (communal work projects), community
assemblies, and localorganizations in Santiago Xanica, San Miguel
Panixtlahuaca, and Santiago Cuixtla.Other organizations will recall more
nefarious deeds. The repression beganagainst those of us who pushed for the
construction of broad-based alliancesbetween social and civilian organizations
and trade unions. Above all, it wasdirected against those of us who are
adherents to the Other Campaign. On May22, it wasn’t only the teachers who set
up the encampment, but all theorganizations in the Promotora-Oaxaca, of which Section
22 is a part.
With the repression of June 14, the process of struggle was accelerated
andbroadened. Hundreds of thousands of people came together in marches,
blockades,and barricades, and we began the construction of this movement’s most
importantachievement: the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca, the APPO,
an undivided,democratic space of this exemplary 21^st century struggle.
* *
* *
*THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY OF THE PEOPLES OF OAXACA - APPO*
The mass disinformation media have intentionally set about
personalizing,minimizing, slandering, and criminalizing the APPO because, for
the classesthat hold power, those of us who have created this organizational
form aretheir greatest fear. We don’t lend ourselves to their cooptation
strategies andwe don’t give in to economic offers or threats of repression.
It’s preciselybecause we don’t give in that they call us intransigent. We’re
peaceful, notpassive; we’re plural and autonomous, yet united; we’re from the
base, notleaders or vanguards. We’re combining centuries of indigenous
organizationalexperience with strategies of modern social movements. This has
sustained usfor almost six months and has won us respect from far beyond our
borders. Andthis is what we have to strengthen and consolidate.
*ORGANIZATION AND STRUCTURE OF THE APPO*
We now have at least three challenges: the most important is the need for
unityin the movement. Without this, it is impossible to meet the other two,
whichare first, to adopt the structures that have been utilized by our peoples
sincetime immemorial so that personal interests can’t steamroll over
collectiveneeds and interests, and, second, to adopt a viable project that
includes thethinking of everyone seeking real change in our state and our
country.
To consolidate our organization as the APPO, we need to take on even
moregrassroots work, or work with our membership bases, for several
differentreasons that we’ll outline. First, due to the critical nature of the
periodthat we’ve experienced in recent days, it hasn’t been possible to engage
indeep reflection on the issues that we thought it was necessary to discuss.
Tosay that the proposals that we’re presenting here come from below would
besomewhat deceptive. It’s necessary that we end this congress with a minimaldocument
that will allow us to keep doing grassroots work.
It’s urgent that we join together in our efforts, and in order to strengthenour
organizational form, the APPO, we make the following proposals:
*THE BASES (FROM THE GROUND UP):* Taking into consideration that in
eachcommunity (whether it’s called a municipal agency, ranching
village,neighborhood, or simply a community) there’s a teacher working and that
many ofus have organizations in these same places, let’s agree to call a local
meetingof the APPO on a certain date, then a municipal meeting, then a district
orregional meeting, leading up to another statewide APPO meeting. In other
words,we’ll be building up what we have, multiplying it. Then right here we’ll
beable to delegate responsibilities to see that the work is carried out
effectively.We should always keep in mind that our timetable is not the
timetable of thesystem or the government. Neither is this true of our practice;
we work frombelow and from the left.
*COLLECTIVE LEADERSHIP:* The APPO and its Council should never be
trampolinesfor political careers in rotten institutions. Here, we’re going to
struggle fora new Constitutional Congress and a new Constitution. We’re not
going to playat being legislators. Those who have come here to boast of their
role instruggles that they have nothing to do with, or to impose ideologies,
politicalparty strategies, or power bases for certain leaders, have not
understood thatthe political force of the APPO resides precisely in the
autonomous collectivedecisions of the bases and in the strict obedience of the
chosen leaders to themandates of the assemblies. They haven’t understood why
compañeros died in thecommunities and at the barricades.
For these reasons it’s important for the Popular Council of the APPO not
toadopt any kind of vertical structure and for the *service* that its
membersgive to the collective whole to be rotational, revocable and
representative ofreal struggles, not of entrenched leaders or those who spout
empty words. TheCouncil should include political prisoners and ex-political
prisoners with ahistory of struggle.
*INDIGENOUS REPRESENTATION:* Oaxaca is a state with a majority
indigenouspopulation, and this has to be reflected in the APPO and its Council,
just asit’s been reflected in the struggle. But we, as indigenous people in
thestruggle, venture to say that we are talking about representatives of
realindigenous struggles who have participated collectively with a high degree
oforganization in this process. We’re not talking about those perennial
“well-knownindigenous personalities” who don’t represent anyone besides
themselves and wholove to make a folkloric appearance in the forums and news
media.
*WOMEN:* At this stage of the movement, we are all aware that the Oaxacan
womenhave conclusively shown that no struggle will be possible without them.
Wethink that they should not only be taken into account with respect
toorganizational work and actions, but also––and in equitable numbers––in all
therepresentational and decision-making spaces such as the APPO and
itscommissions.
*STRUCTURE AND PRINCIPLES*
We’re now a national reference point, in which leaders and directors are
nolonger the ones who are guiding the movement. Today we can speak of
anauthentic struggle of the people and we’re proud of that. Structures exist
thatprevented our movement from being aborted. We know that as long as our
peopleare the ones who sustain and vitalize our movement and organization,
theprisons and the murderous bullets of the tyrant won’t be able to destroy
thisstruggle that’s been incubated in our people.
For these reasons what we now need, above all, is political ethics as a
norm,the collective for making decisions, and legitimate representatives
forimplementing them. We have to create the conditions and structures so
thatthose who wish to utilize our movement for their own interests won’t be
able todo so because our initiatives will deter any efforts to utilize the
movement.We should bear in mind that we’re now constructing such a structure
and believethat the teachers’ state assembly is a good experience from which to
learn.Let’s perfect it, taking away its vertical structure and relying on both
newand millenary libertarian, autonomous forms of organization. Today we
knowexactly what we shouldn’t do and that is to take part in the vile practices
ofthe political system and its allies. We must earnestly seek a new way
ofconducting politics.
The APPO now has the ability to change the correlation of forces in favor ofthe
people because it *is* the people themselves. It can’t betray itself. Wemust
understand that. That’s why we must all be heard. We can’t build anythingif not
through consensus. That does NOT mean voting and following the will ofthe
majority. It means looking for a solution that we all agree with. Ourprogram
should be based on NEVER AGAIN MAKING DECISIONS WITHOUT CONSULTING THEPEOPLE.
*INTEGRAL REFORM OF THE FREE, SOVEREIGN STATE OF OAXACA*
Our struggle also aspires to a project that has to do with a re-founding of
thestate, drawing on the millenary wisdom of our peoples. We must venture to
madeprofound changes, not just to import doctrines and ideas that have been
appliedor that are being applied in other times and spaces that don’t
correspond toour unique situation, our culture, the development and practice of
our peoples.Neither, however, should we be closed to more humane and more
perfect forms,should one exist in the western system or any other system, but
it should bebased in freedom, justice, and dignity.
One of the most serious problems in our country today is the cult
ofpersonality, especially when it comes to our country’s presidents or
stategovernors. We must demystify these figures, who are often fascist
andauthoritarian like the one we are now dealing with in our state and those
inother states throughout the country where the rulers are nothing more
thancriminals operating under the “state of law.”
In order to take some steps towards demystification, the state government
couldbe, first of all, collective, elected every three years or every six
years. Incase it were six years, the presidency of the collective would be
filled by oneof the six people for a one-year period. It would thereby be a
presidency of arotational collective serving a six year term. The salary of
these governorswould be no higher than what is required for a medium-level
standard of living.This means that all six would earn less than a typical
governor earns today.
Even though it’s true that there’s an urgent need for an comprehensive reformin
our state and it’s necessary to hold a new Constitutional Congress andcreate a
new Constitution, it’s also true that we have to start from below,with an
in-depth consultation. That requires a discussion not only involvingthose of us
who are here today; at the same time we must consult ourcommunities,
neighborhoods, unions, etc., just like we have done to elect ourdelegates.
Likewise, we need a consultation that explains our reform agenda tothe people
with whom we work and of whom we are a part.
*PLATFORM OF STRUGGLE*
We’ve initiated a process in which we’ve exposed the ways in which
politicalpower is responsible for all kinds of abuses against those who are
strugglingfor their most basic rights. Today in Oaxaca, nobody is fooled,
except thosewho still want to live in a system where we beg for crumbs. And
those whoreceive the lion’s share of these handouts and have a vested interest
in thesystem continue to dole out a few pesos for food and other goods to the
people,as if this were a solution to poverty.
We know that economic change in our state and our country won’t happen if
we,those from below, aren’t able to generate our own projects, whether we
callthem productive, economic, etc. In other words, we must be self-managing,
butin order to carry out these economic processes we must be able––all
togetherand in unison––to take the power that is ours and to achieve a deep
political,economic, and social transformation.
Today we think of the compañeros who’ve been killed, disappeared, tortured,
andwounded by the repressive forces in this struggle.
Today the jails are full of political prisoners. They release five
compañerosand jail twenty more. We’re paying the price for demanding a deep
change forour people. We know our struggle will demand more suffering, and so
we can’tabandon our principles halfway along the road without risking that more
of ourbrothers and sisters will fill the jails. That’s why our struggle has
tocontinue until we live in complete freedom and, for this, we have to
strengthenour organization.
Our primordial goal is to defend our natural and cultural resources. We
can’tallow government and business to take what doesn’t belong to them,
utilizingrotten institutions to justify their domination. For this reason, no
singleorganization, community, union, etc. should confront the government
inisolation. We must keep in mind that it is the government’s aim to isolate
usand destroy our movement.
Let’s make sure that they aren’t able to divide us into “moderates”
and“radicals” either. We know that today in Oaxaca and Mexico, anyone who
defendsthe legitimate rights of the people is a “radical” in the eyes of the
powersthat be, and anyone who they consider a “moderate” is so classified
because ofnot daring to question injustice in depth and to act forcefully to
transformthe reality that we’re enduring.
And one last commentary: We men and women of OIDHO, indigenous farmers
andtenant farmers of the most marginalized areas of the state, are not
interestedin the power that concedes political positions; nor in “popular
power” if itsaim is to establish new vanguards and extol new leaders. The only
thing thatinterests us is to construct, from the bottom and from the left,
theorganizational and collective power of the peoples of Oaxaca, autonomous
intheir decisions, but united in their struggle, which is the struggle of all
ofus men and women who have decided to free ourselves from 21^st century
slavery.No to alliances with political parties, with or without registration.
We welcome all alliances with organizations and movements that share
ourstruggle, respecting our identity and our autonomy.
LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE OF OAXACA!
LONG LIVE THE APPO!
LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE OF MÉXICO!
FREEDOM FOR POLITICAL PRISONERS!
No More Repression and Misery among the Indigenous Peoples!
Victory Goes not to the Most Powerful, but to the Best Organized!
Santa María Atzompa, Oaxaca, November 9, 2006
OIDHO